The irony is we had the Gestapo and Stasi and consider ID cards to be the normalest thing in the world while the Patriot Act would probably lead to an uprise and the US is the opposite of that lol
Glücksgefühle auch nach 28 Jahren! Unvergessliche Eindrücke aus unserer deutschen Geschichte zum #TagderDeutschenEinheit #TDE2018 pic.twitter.com/KlzGw0gzEY— Steffen Seibert (@RegSprecherStS) October 3, 2018
I was living in the UK at the time Blair tried to introduce ID cards I agree it is silly at one level because the basic ID card is not different to a passport which of course 75% of Britains have. Especially in the context of the War on Terror, the main opposition was not the card itself but the National Identity Register (NIR) behind it which was to hold up to 50 pieces of information with more to be added. e.g it would contain not only your names and address, but also your National Insurance number, fingerprints, facial scan etc etc I think in the context of that government, the citizens were justifiably concerned that what was being created was not a useful basic ID card, but a massive government database on every citizen, that would then be accessed by all government departments or even commercial interests.
Well it was unthinkable until a few weeks ago. This is like Texas turning into a swing state after all
Everything you need to know in a really good Spiegel article What Went Wrong for Bavarian Conservatives? http://www.spiegel.de/international...ow-result-in-upcoming-election-a-1232480.html "One reason that Strauss is still so deeply loved in Bavaria is because he did more than almost anyone else to transform Bavaria from a poor, agrarian state where nearly half the people worked in farming after World War II into the industrial powerhouse it is today. It was once Germany's poorest state. Today, it is the wealthiest." "In 1945, the first time that the Bavarian governor was a member of the CSU, the state had a population of 8 million people. Today, it is 13 million. People have moved to Bavaria from across Germany, attracted by the prospect of work and prosperity -- and not necessarily because of any particular affinity for the CSU. The party, in other words, is something of a victim of its own success." Stoiber says he has an anecdote he wants to share, one which helps understand why the CSU exerts so much power on the national stage. He speaks of the coalition negotiations in 1983 when the CDU, the CSU and the business-friendly Free Democrats (FDP), who were still the kingmakers of German politics back then, were trying to form a government. Stoiber accompanied Strauss to Bonn, Germany's capital at the time, for the talks. Right at the beginning, Strauss had come up with all kinds of special demands, a slew of projects that would primarily, if not exclusively, benefit Bavaria. Finally, the CDU governor of Lower Saxony, Ernst Albrecht, pounded the table in anger, protesting that a single state couldn't keep making demands. He had a few things he wanted for his state as well, Albrecht said. "Well, Mr. Albrecht," Strauss responded drily, "then you'll have to found your own party as well." Even today, Stoiber loves telling the story and laughs out loud. "That's it! That's the difference. That independence!" And it's true: Without it, the CSU would never have become what it is today. It enables the party to repeatedly push through Bavaria-friendly policies on the national stage, even if the rest of the country isn't interested. It is the only party in the country that is able to do so. Reinhard Kremmling is not the only liberal Christian who has migrated toward the Green Party. The CSU finds itself fighting a battle on two fronts, both the left and right. And on both sides, the party's foundation is crumbling. They are losing people like Kremmling to the Greens and many others to the right-wing populist Alternative for Germany (AfD). Indeed, many in the CSU have begun pining for the good old days when the SPD was their primary opponent. The center-left party, to be sure, rarely managed over 30 percent in Bavarian state elections, but they made for a good enough foil to mobilize the CSU base. And the party is experienced when it comes to dealing with the SPD; they always play by the established political rules. The AfD, on the other hand, resorts to guerilla tactics -- something with which the CSU has no experience whatsoever. Peter Gauweiler, the party's intellectual cornerstone, says that the CSU still hasn't managed to completely digest the events of 1989/1990. He is sitting on the sofa inside his law offices in Munich and dragging on a cigarillo. He says the party is suffering from a kind of depression born of success. "We have reached all of our goals: Moscow is defeated, communism is over, Bavaria is the No. 1 state in Germany. There is nothing left to win."
Migration and the Far Right Changed Europe. A German Vote Will Show How Much. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/12/world/europe/germany-bavaria-election.html
I guess that we will see, the Austria coalition seems the most natural, but I guess that if the Greens get a lot of former conservatives in their group, then they will not be too far lefty and may make it work with the CSU
♫ And now, the end is near And so she faces the final curtain It'll happen any minute now Cuz White 'n Blue, he is so certain
Join the public shit show here Wahl in Bayern- unsere Sondersendung #ltwby2018 https://t.co/TTvmwqasij— tagesschau (@tagesschau) October 14, 2018
If that result holds than Ange's coalition partners lost over 20%. In 2005 SPD lost NRW with like 10% and that was enough to trigger snap elections