What is a Neocon? In the comments on my last post, there was a great deal of discussion about exactly who should -- and who should not -- be considered a neocon. This made me realize that I hadn't been very precise about my terms. This is unfortunate, because I think there's a fair amount of confusion on this issue. I've noticed a tendency for some people, particularly on the left, to use the term to refer to just about any politician or policy analyst on the right whose views they dislike. It has become, in a sense, just another meaningless insult -- like "fascist" or "Saddam lover." Ideological definitions are always a problem in politics, because it's so easy to over-generalize. That difficulty is compounded for the neocons, because they are both an ideological faction and a specific group of people. Considered as a group, the neocons have a fairly concrete identity -- they are intensely hawkish Democrats (or the offspring of intensely hawkish Democrats) who bolted the party in the late '60s/early '70s after it turned against the Vietnam War. They tend to be Jewish, urban and intellectual. Many of them worked for Scoop Jackson (the hawkish Democratic Senator from Washington State.) Some of them started out on the far left fringe of American politics (Trotskyists, etc.) then moved right and kept going. Some are admirers of the late University of Chicago professor and philospher Leo Strauss. These are all generalizations, but there are enough people who fit enough of the points to make the profile valid. Ideologically, though, neocon is a much more nebulous term. It's not like there's some kind of neocon Politburo that lays down a rigid party line on any and all points -- although the Project for a New American Century probably comes closest to filling that function. It's easy enough to point to some common themes that are generally identified with the neocons: contempt for international organizations and the concept of multilateralism; impatience with traditional balance-of-power diplomacy; a cultish devotion to the use of military power; an outspoken belief in the superiority of Western culture and political institutions; a messianic vision of America's mission to "civilize" the world, which at times (Max Boot) makes them sound like caricatures of old-fashioned European imperialists. And of course: an intense identification with the state of Israel, and a willingness, even eagerness, to use American power to protect and further Israeli security interests. But there are nuances on all these points. Some neocons support the maximum Likud position -- one state (Jewish) between the Jordan and the sea. Some don't. Some are more willing to use multilateral institutions to pursue American interests. Some aren't. Some are more cynical about the "spreading democracy" meme than others. Personally, I would not describe Dick Cheney or Donald Rumsfeld as neocons. Certainly not on the first count (personal biography). And not on the second (ideological affinity), either. At the end of the day, Cheney and Rumsfeld are politicians and bureaucrats. They are not intellectuals -- not by a long shot. They are consumers of ideology, not producers. To me, the neocons and the realists are rival schools of foreign policy intellectuals, competing for the patronage of political leaders such as Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld, Delay, etc. With a few exceptions, they are servants of power -- not holders of power. Since most American politicians (like most American voters) know very little about the rest of the world, they usually don't have detailed positions on the kinds of foreign policy issues the neocons and the realists spend their professional lives debating. Instead, politicians have belief systems, typically reflecting some fairly basic value judgments: America must always be the strongest nation on earth, or America should try to cooperate with its allies, or whatever. The secret of the neocons' success, I think, is the fact that their ideology -- as well as the policies that grow out of that ideology -- appeal very strongly to a certain type of politician: intensely nationalistic, skeptical of diplomacy, suspicious of foreigners, a believer in the "Judeo-Christian tradition," and sentimentally attached to the American military (even if they haven't served in it themselves.) At the same time, though, guys like Cheney and Rumsfeld appear to be strongly attracted to some of the more Machiavellian tactics of the realists -- like using proxies (even odious ones like Saddam) to fight enemies that cannot be attacked directly, playing allies off against each other (Old Europe vs. New Europe), forming temporary alliances with long-term rivals to achieve short-term objectives (Bush and Putin.) It's important to remember that the realists are not liberals. They're not even multilateralists -- at least, not as matter of doctrine. They, too, believe in the primacy of American power. But they're neither squeamish nor doctrinaire about how that primacy is expressed. If it means using a thug like Saddam to fight Iran, they'll do it. But if it means haggling with the U.N. Security Council to obtain a resolution that serves U.S. interests, they'll do that, too. To them, that's just being realistic. If they don't have any of the neocons' lingering Wilsonian hang ups, they also don't have any of their neuroses about anti-Semitic Europeans. Up until 9/11, I don't think you could say that either Cheney and Rumsfeld, or the Bush adminstration in general, were under neocon discipline (to borrow the old commie witch hunt phrase.) If anything, they seemed to be leaning the other way on most issues -- although not, perhaps, in the Middle East, where grassroots conservative pressure to line up with Sharon was already very strong. It's hard to say, though, since the administration consciously avoided making any moves in the region during its first seven months in power. In my previous post, I speculated about why the administration's senior management team ended up adopting the neocon program for invading Iraq -- and why it even seemed for a time to embrace the entire vision of a Middle East remade through the exercise of American power. Did 9/11 shake their confidence in the cautious methods and limited objectives of the realists? Were they suddenly converted to the need for more radical solutions -- which the neocons were happy to provide? Or was it just a cynical, tactical shift? Perhaps senior management simply pretended to adopt the maximum neocon program in order to accomplish goals that were always much more limited: getting rid of Saddam, gaining leverage over OPEC, and securing new military bases to replace the old ones in Saudia Arabia. I don't really know, of course -- although I tend to believe the former and not the latter, if only because the goals don't seem commensurate with the risks taken, from a realist perspective. Certainly, if the administration wasn't playing by the neocon game plan, it did a remarkable job of keeping it secret from everybody -- including the neocons. Either way, though, I don't think senior management -- Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld -- has developed any kind of lasting self-identification with the neocons. Recent events would seem to bear this out. The same, however, can't be said of the conservative grass roots, which appears to find the neocon world view an increasingly comfortable fit -- for the reasons outlined above. So there may indeed come a day when a Republican politican will quip that "we're all neocons now." But I don't think we're there just yet.
I think it was the Billmon blog. Or else TalkingPointsMemo. I remember reading it, and thinking it wasn't terribly out of character. Unless there's something I'm missing.
I remember reading it in Slate, New Republic or Weekly Standard. IIRC, it was written by a liberal which, technically, neo-cons are. Neo-cons beleive in the superiority of western values and the ability to translate those values into positive action. In today's day and age, Kennedy and Nixon would be a neo-cons. It is an inherently pro-government philosophy.
the term neocon is the most wrongly used term on these boards. i was gonna say something sooner but decided to let you no talent ass clowns have your fun.
You quick bastard! Give you a google-related program activities award ! I was like bumping into a greatest teacher of politcal science today. I am going to read through all of his blogs (from begining to very end) - the hottest blog in the internet today as we speak. For all of you, continue the second part of Neocons - if you have the patience to reach the end, you are graduating from the Neocons University. I know I have and did. Part II The Concise History of US Neocons
Pretty fascinating read. Thanks verybdog. Did you see this link? (Suggested in one of the responses to billmon's essay) http://adbusters.org/magazine/49/articles/leo_strauss/flash.html "Strauss believed that democracy...was best defended by an ignorant public pumped up by nationalism and religion."
Yeah, really good stuff in that website. p.s. I also followed a link and I found this other isra-pali site (political analisys). http://bitterlemons.org/ Lots of good stuff (biased or not, all is biased in this world, the trick is to read any biased stuff and make out your own biased view) with top politicians and political analists (at least in the palestinian side). p.p.s. God save the net.
You are welcome. Yes I did see that link, thanks. Fascinating indeed. "...the only way to transform them (i.e. the stupid masses) was to make them love their nation enough to die for it. Such nationalism requires an external threat - and if one cannot be found, it must be manufactured." Does that sound familiar?
Since you're now interested in Leo Strauss, and have "graduated from neocons university," I assume, you've read: Das Erkenntnisproblem in der philosophischen Lehre Fr. H. Jacobis. Unpublished dissertation, University of Hamburg. Pp. 1-71. Printed abstract. "Antwort das 'Prinzipelle Wort' der Frankfurter." Juedische Rundschau (Berlin) 28(9):45. "Anmerkung zur Diskussion über 'Zionismus und Antisemitismus.'" Juedische Rundschau (Berlin) 28(83/84):501. "Das Heilige." Der Jude (Berlin) 7:240-42. "Der Zionismus bei Nordau." Der Jude (Berlin) 7(10/11):657-60. "Paul de Lagarde." Der Jude (Berlin) 8(1):8-15. "Soziologische Geschichtsschreibung?" Review of S. M. Dubnow, Die neueste Geschichte des jüdischen Volkes. III Band. Der Jude (Berlin) 8(3):190-92. "Cohens Analyse der Bibel-Wissenschaft Spinozas." Der Jude (Berlin) 8(5/6):295-314. Review of A. Levkowitz. Religiöse Denker der Gegenwart. Vom Wandel der modernen Lebensanschauung. Der Jude (Berlin) 8(7):432. 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